Believe In Reason

A Rational Analysis of the World

Conversation with a mime

Posted by daw33d on April 28, 2013
Posted in: Culture. Tagged: literature, poem, poetry. Leave a Comment
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Ravens

On that day there was an explosion in the sky,

paralyzed by the bright spark of light

I resolved to keep it out of their sight.

But tension grows wings so it may fly.

 

Oh how your humble heart wishes to reveal you,

leave you unclothed on the street:

a banquet for all eyes to critically greet.

My burden is multiplied by two.

 

Empty those thoughts from beneath the grave,

While these hands unsteadily shake,

Trying to withhold the words that make,

A lion more sincere than he is brave.

 

But as the ravens perch their nest and observe,

What is it they want me to share?

I have nothing but this blank stare

And a fortune that I could not deserve.

 

 

The Pursuit of Meaning

Posted by daw33d on February 27, 2013
Posted in: Philosophy, Uncategorized. Tagged: existence, existentialism, Identity, Idols, Illusions, Meaning, Meaning of Life, Pursuit of Meaning. Leave a Comment
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Lately, I’ve had this reoccurring thought that is so powerful that I become crippled by what it reveals, and it becomes more intractable the longer it stays, like an unwanted guest. This little demon that has latched onto my shoulders is the fact that I’ve analyzed most of the meaning out of life, including my own. Let me tell you, I’m not a miserable person by any means. But I’ve taken the analytical tools very deeply into everything that means anything to anyone: the question of human significance.

While I stumbled around clumsily, it wouldn’t leave my mind that our entire ‘person’, the ‘you’, the ‘voice or eye inside’, is merely just an actor that reads off of a script in front of an audience, hoping to conform to the expectations of its viewers. There is a script for everything that you think you are: a friend, a worker, a family member, a rebel, an intellectual, and a capitalist. Although we seem to adopt a variety of these ‘personas’ at once, and each one demands a different script, almost all of our conscious activity revolves around playing these various roles and taking on these identities.

actors

I, maybe like you, never thought of myself as a performer though. I imagined there would be something more to identifying my meaning or significance in the world than just adopting a set of roles and perfecting them so that the audience would experience delight; I thought life was the real phenomenon on the streets outside of the theatre walls.

It’s simple to see from this how superficial existence and any human significance must be: it is grounded in the mere selection or conforming to certain ways of being in human society, with certain expectations for each way of being; that is, with certain scripts. For example, if you adopt the career-life script (like most of us do), expect to be in and out of the workplace at least 9-5, Monday through Friday. This realization of the scripted life, one in which we must “act or die”, is existentially depressing. But what good would this insight be if it brought you down with me? We’re in this together, so we’ll grope for a way out.

For those who might have sensed the superficiality of even their own life from this perspective of acting and role-playing, the meaning of life is in peril. We can see right through how substantive our ‘personas’ which we call ‘ourselves’ really are: they are paper-thin and transparent. Can our lives mean anything beyond the roles that we adopt?

In hopes of beginning to dig us out of this situation, I started to think about the pursuit of meaning itself: the ultimate goal of human society. The little clue I’ve been left behind is that the more you search for it, the quicker it hides. The idealization of what our lives are ‘supposed’ to mean, ‘true happiness’ and so forth, are actually more harmful to search for than any good. The reason is that they are idols and illusions. There is nothing more despairing than to be searching after something which does not exist.

ImageProxy-82

Once you appreciate that there simply is nothing above and beyond the scripts and roles of our lives, you realize that any meaning or happiness follows only after you smash the idealizations of these things to pieces. I cannot live my life pursuing such ghosts any longer! Although I am left with ‘my life as an actor’, I would be misguided to search for some idealization of the truly meaningful life, which is something that can only disappoint.

There is however an even more destructive reason as to why the pursuit of meaning is often so misguided. Its insidiousness often comes from the fact that the “pursuit of meaning” is a solitary pursuit, that is, something you think you are supposed to attain by yourself. This type of thinking is often the spawn of depression too; there is no happiness worth acquiring that can be attained alone. This is sometimes taken for granted, because people that make anything we do worth doing almost always surround us. Without them, the pursuit of meaning crumbles like an unsupported bridge into the tides below.

So where are we now? Have we found our signpost? I doubt it, but I think we are ready to. We are ready to understand what the pursuit of meaning is not, so that we won’t be casting ourselves into misery because we chased an illusion instead of something real. Are we just to accept that we are script-readers and role-players in this cosmic show—this, you say is our meaning? If this is all that human life consists in, perhaps we can grow existentially fond of the scripted-life, but personally, I find creating my own script fairly fascinating. After all, even if this is all that my life could amount to, I’d have experienced the beauty of holding my own life-script in front of me, as I so carefully crafted it. Its significance of course is brought out by sharing it with my fellow humans, who have the choice of coasting by and reading the scripts of others, or also creating their own. But the fact has dawned on me, that these identities or roles will only be as good as we make them!

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The Faulty & Mulish Notion of Platonic Philosopher-Kings

Posted by Мустафа on February 20, 2013
Posted in: Philosophy. 7 comments
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Socrates boldly asserts that “until philosophers rule as kings… and… until political power and philosophy entirely coincide… cities will have no rest from evils,… nor, I think, will the human race” (473c-d, p. 243). Such a bold claim however is undoubtedly flawed. This essay will prove that Plato’s argument for the rule of ‘Philosopher-Kings’ is inherently flawed and that Socrates’ envisioned society will not provide justice to the individual nor society at large. Furthermore, this essay will touch upon the great Platonic philosophical conspiracy that few have attempted to challenge. Plato defines true philosophers as those “who love the sight of truth” (475e-476, p. 244). He further goes on to assert that philosophers are distinct from the “lovers of sights and sounds” since these lovers’ “thought is unable to see and embrace the nature of the beautiful itself” (476b-c, p. 244) . Such a rash statement on Plato’s part needs to be argued with full fury. Philosophers and non-philosophical individuals are all human beings.

The philosopher is instructed and trained in the art of logic, reason and rationality, however that does not purge the philosopher of personal bias or influences he has had since childhood. Furthermore, knowledgable philosophers may use logic, reason and rationality to justify inequality, atrocity and injustice. History has proven this time and time again. Various philosophers have used the art of philosophy to justify the capitalist economic system; a system built upon man exploiting man. Philosophers have also used their talents to justify murder, racial superiority and genocide, for example, the Nazi philosopher Dr. Alfred Rosenberg. No matter how ‘philosophical’ one becomes, one is still human; therefore one is still imperfect. There is nothing Plato can say that would make philosopher kings incorruptible because ultimately, unless humans evolve into superior incorruptible beings, they will always remain prone to the desires of man and corruption. Furthermore, the mere notion of having kings, absolute rulers Plato further says that if  “… one or more true philosophers come to power in a city” they would “prize what is right and the honors that come from… everything” (540d-e, p. 276). They would further “regard justice as the most important and most essential thing” serve it and increase “it as they set their city in order” (540d-e, p. 276). Plato assumes that philosophers somehow would  set cities and society in order. The fact of the matter is that Plato favored nothing less than a rigid pseudo-totalitarian police state.

The School of Athens by Raphael

The School of Athens by Raphael

Plato’s allegory of the cave may appear to be interesting but it is utterly flawed, illogical and unreal. Furthermore, when  he refers to the individual who has escaped from the cave and looked up at the same, Plato says “Don’t you think that he’d count himself happy for the change and pity the others?” (516c-d, p. 263). Plato just assumes that the philosopher will be happy to see the real world and the truth, rather than be chained to a wall and living a life in-which he knows only the fraction of the world itself. This issue is debatable because in a situation like this the freed individual would be lonely as he would remain in perpetual solitude. The fact of the matter is that the mere notion of individuals being “fixed in the same place, with their necks and legs fettered, able to see only in front of them, because their bonds prevent them form turning their head around” is obscurity in itself (514a-b,  p. 262). Plato is assuming that their is some other almost magical dimension that exists in the realm of the unknown and that all human beings are like drones chained to a wall and do not know any other reality. Well the fact of the matter is that humans do know reality and much beyond that. Travel in space, nuclear explosions and other awesome human actions prove the superiority of the intelligence of man over nature. There is no other real as there is no gods, alternate dimensions and to believe in the folly of Plato is as irrational and illogical to believe in religion. Plato believes that the philosopher is the person who has broken free of the world and has superior knowledge over others and knows some sort of truth that no one else does. Thus he argues, philosophers should be rulers amongst men.

Freedom and justice do not prevail in Plato’s ‘just’ society because of censorship, a de facto secret police, and the promotion of individuals sticking to only one craft and way of life. There were numerous instances throughout The Republic where Plato’s character Socrates urged for the guardians to guard against everything and that above anything else “they must guard as carefully as they can against any innovation in music and poetry or in physical training that is counter to the established order” (424a-3, p. 216). Plato goes on to say that the guardians should dread to hear anyone say “People care most for the song, That is newest from the singer’s lips (424a-3, p. 216). Clearly Plato is advocating censorship and guarding the people’s right to listen or discuss anything that they please. Such a society is fundamentally unjust and provides no freedom for the citizenry. Justice demands the right of all to be free. Freedom is a very broad term and includes the freedom of mobility, the freedom of expression, freedom of religion and freedom to gather and share ideas. In Plato’s police state, culture and public happiness would stagnate and ultimately wither away. A very dull, grey and unhappy society consisting of puppeteer drones would survive, not live. There is no justice in the ideal Platonic city since humans are denied liberty and freedom. When he advocates the suppression of any new song, what he really means is the censorship of any new idea, thought, lyric and alternative meaning to life.

The great Platonic philosophical conspiracy is in plain view. Plato, Socrates, and all who support Plato’s view that philosopher kings ought to rule society are favoring a Platonic dictatorship. Since Plato himself was a philosopher, as was Socrates, if any city followed their line of reasoning, then they or their fellow philosopher kin would be chosen to head the state. Absolute power always leads to absolute corruption, especially if given to one individual. Their obscure and hypocritical writings would be the equivalent of modern medical doctors promoting the rule of society only by medical doctors, since medical doctors know the most about health and what is good and bad for the individual. One can draw similar parallels and provide endless examples like Plato did in his dry text, however, this essay shall not take that inept path. They promoted the ideal of philosopher-kings so that they could become rulers and forcibly subjugate all fellow Greek citizens under their tyrannical rule. Indeed the notion of Platonic rule was a precursor to modern totalitarian regimes such as Nazi Germany or Soviet Russia who forcibly tried to change the nature of humans. Similar to Plato’s ideal society, the totalitarian regimes had a central ruler who provided the philosophical basis to rule, a guardian class made up the secret police and extremely loyal party members and most importantly of all, the lack of freedom, liberty and the right of free speech.

Plato further denies the right of absolute social mobility. He argues that “if an offspring of the guardians is inferior, he must be sent off to join the other citizens and that, if the others have an able offspring, he must join the guardians” (423c-e, p. 216). This line of reasoning is inherently flawed because Plato takes out the human element of it. All humans have some sort of emotional, personal or economic attachment to one another. It is absurd to assume that a child born into the guardian class would simply be thrown into the lower classes and a lower class child be accepted into the guardian class. Furthermore Plato argues that all people are “naturally suited” for certain tasks (423d-e, p. 216). That the doctor is best suited to be a doctor and the carpenter is best suited to be a carpenter and people must only stick to whatever crafts they are best suited for. This concept does not bear any merit and flawed because it takes away personal liberty. If one is told that he is best at collecting trash only, and that he must stick to what he does takes away his freedom to strive to become something else. This person may be content in picking up trash his entire life, however, his friend who is also a trash collector may not be content and has the urge to work in a different occupation. Platonic reasoning is almost fatalistic and tells people that they are what they are and cannot better themselves. That humans are all stuck in a perpetual cycle of obscurity and that it is purely based on luck, fate and genetics that alone determine what one’s position  in the social ladder will be. Such reasoning is inherently unjust because it denies people the right of social mobility. Furthermore, such a system is based upon the exploitation and denigration of man.

Ultimately though, Plato’s ideal city ruled by a philosopher-king, a guardian class guarding the right of the king to rule – and its own rights to be a secret paramilitary force coercing the population to bow their heads, obey and continue leading obscure lives in which social mobility hardly exists – is fundamentally unjust.

The fact that there is no democracy in the city by itself takes away any notion of justice. The people do not  have the right to elected representation. People need to stop espousing Socrates as if he is incorruptible or that his word is sacred or that he is the manifestation of all that is rational, good and just. On the contrary, he was an elitist and held extremely skewed views and unjust ideals that ultimately called for individuals such as himself – philosophers – to be rulers of an unequal and unjust state, in-which the common man was to be coerced to obey and conform via state terrorism, the Guardian class.

Storm From the East

Posted by Мустафа on February 19, 2013
Posted in: Culture, History, Politics. Leave a Comment
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Review & Critique

Milton Viorst’s Storm from the East is a short but concise survey of the history of the Arab peoples and their mistrust of Western Christendom. This paper is divided into three main sections with the first providing a concise summary of Viorst’s historical breakdown of Middle Eastern geopolitical history, the second discussing Viorst’s theme of two opposing civilizations at clash and the third being the current state of the Middle East and how it is tied to its recent colonial past. At the book’s core is Arab collective memory revolving around Arab nationalism which Viorst argues began with the Prophet Muhammad and rose again throughout the 20th century. His book’s major themes are Arab mistrust and hostility towards the West, its connection with Arab nationalism and the history of a Muslim Middle East locked in a primordial battle against European Christendom. Viorst connects these themes’ historic developments to the current situation in the Middle East.

The Arab World

The Arab World

 

He begins and ends the book with the Iraq War, launched by former American President George W. Bush. Viorst explains why the American military forces in Iraq, unlike their predecessors who liberated Hitler’s Europe, were greeted with bullets rather than flowers and kisses from the Arabs. The book’s composition is a synthesis of a historical monograph with the critical analyses of a political scientist/journalist. Viorst’s writing style makes the reader delve deep into the mystical depths of Arab and Turkish history. He praises and denounces all historical actors equally, whether they are Arab, European, Jewish, Persian, liberator or imperialist. Nationalism is the book’s preeminent theme. To Viorst, “nationalism by its nature is elusive” and that “it is an awareness, a consciousness” and a “frame of mind which has mysticism at its core (6-7).” Nationalism is “a kind of love” that “emerges out of a community’s shared memory” and “embraces collective pride—or shame” with its “mystical attachment to historical roots that guides a common destiny (7).” Viorst holds that Arab nationalism is different than European or any type of nationalism. He writes that “to understand Arab nationalism, it is best not to try squeezing it into the categories that apply to other nations (9).” The great Arab scholar, Ibn Khaldun “identified the Arab people with asabiyya,” a term roughly translated as “group feeling” or “tribal bonding” amongst other definitions (7).” The idea of asabiyya, and its effects on the mind, psyche and beliefs of the Arab peoples is critical to Viorst’s understanding of the Middle East. Nothing in the modern world can be understood fully without studying history.

Viorst’s book is linear in the sense that its first chapter commences from the birth of the Arab nation under the Prophet Mohammad, to its rapid rise and equally fast decline. The first chapter, ‘Memory, 622-1900’ briefly summarizes the rise of the Islamic Caliphate, led by the unified tribes of the Arabian Peninsula up until their downfall and eventual conquest by Ottoman Turks. Viorst provides key reasons for the rise of the Arabs’ great empire and their emergence as a great power on the world stage. He skims through fourteen hundred years of Middle Eastern history in twenty three pages, yet provides the reader with key historical data explaining what events and which actors shaped the Middle East up until the twentieth century.

Chapter II, ‘Revolt, 1901-1918’ is a twenty-four page survey of the Arab Revolt against Ottoman Turkey, led by the Emir of Hejaz, Sharif Hussein, and backed, ironically, by a Christian imperial power. Viorst attributes the foundation of modern European style Arab nationalism to Sharif Hussein, for Hussein dreamt of “an Arab nation, free from the Turks, which he would rule (29).” Viorst argues that Britain’s betrayal of their accord with the Arabs is the cornerstone  of modern day mistrust and scorn that Arabs have towards the West. The Sykes-Picot Agreement, as Viorst rightly points out, betrayed the spirit of Britain’s alliance with Hussein’s Arab forces. Turkish rule was merely replaced by British and French imperialism in the Arab world, with only Transjordan left to Sharif Hussein’s Hashemite clan. By imposing their colonial rule on the Arabs through the barrel of the gun, the West, argues Viorst, made the Arabs despise them up until this day.

Chapter III – ‘Disillusion, 1919-1939’ is a thirty-six page long recount of Arab disillusion and despair against European imperialism. Virtually the entire Middle East, aside from Transjordan and modern day Saudi Arabia were under the colonial writ of Britain and France. The Arabs, having convinced themselves that Britain would aid them in obtaining full independence from the Ottoman Empire were correct. However, as Viorst explains, after World War I, the Middle East was divided into various mandates, which in theory were supposed to be nurtured by the colonial powers for full independence. However, in practice, the territories were never going to be granted independence. Sham parliaments, monarchs and colonial administrations were set up to serve the interests of the West, keeping the embers of Arab nationalism burning.

Chapter IV, ‘Emancipation, 1940-1956’ informs the reader of the fiery independence movements throughout the Arab world and the eventual withdrawal of the colonial powers. The legacy of the Sykes-Picot Agreement kept the maghreb politically divided. In addition to the Sykes-Picot legacy, the Balfour Declaration of providing Jews with a homeland in Palestine was fulfilled. Zionist forces won a hard fought insurgency and terror campaign against the British forces and their Arab foes to declare the establishment of the State of Israel. The Jewish state’s creation and position on the map forever changed the history of the Middle East.

Gamal Abdel Nasser (1918-1970)

Gamal Abdel Nasser (1918-1970)

Chapter V, ‘Unity-Disunity, 1957-1967’ gives the reader a sense of the dynamic nature of Arab nationalism. Strongman and despot, Gamal Abdul Nasser became the leader of Egypt after a 1952 bloodless military coup and embodied the aspirations of the Arab people’s desire of a powerful leader – one who would stand up agains the West and Israel. Syria even gave up its sovereignty to Nasser’s Egypt. Nasserism and the Nasserites spread like wildfire across much of the Arab world, however, under his leadership the Arabs suffered their biggest defeat against Israel during the Six Day War. Chapter VI, ‘Theocrats-Autocrats, 1968-2005’ tells of condition of Middle East following the Six Day War. The Arabs, having been humiliated by the Jewish state on the battlefield, once again had no idea who or where to turn to. After the death of Nasser in 1970, Pan-Arabism began dying out. Egypt made peace with Israel under the rule of Anwar Saadat and both Baathist parties and rulers in Iraq and Syria had become more and more despotic, seeking internal unity above external Arab unity. Iran’s Islamic Revolution of 1979 offered an alternative form of government to the Arabs – theocracy. Since colonial times however, as Viorst points out, most mainstream Arab political parties and rulers tended to be  secular.

Viorst repeatedly talks about the confrontation between the Arab World and the Christian West. Although most European states have become secular and the people residing within these states have increasingly turned away from religion, the Arab world, according to Viorst, still views them as being the crusaders that their ancestors fought centuries ago. Insurgents in Iraq are fighting a holy war against the crusaders. President Bush’s public comments on being a devout Christian and referring the War on Terror as a crusade has been taken by the Arabs, according to Viorst, to be a new round of religious warfare between Christendom and Islam. Viorst rightly points out that Islam and Christianity, both being missionary and universal religious, were bound to clash with each other and that despite coming from the Abrahamic family of religions, the two have been at war with each other for centuries.

The current state of the Middle East is due to its colonial past. After the rise and fall of the early Arab empires, Viorst takes the reader through the rise of the Ottoman Empire. For eight hundred years the Ottoman Sultanate endured and for its first four centuries, it was a menace to European Christendom. After the decay of the Ottoman Empire and its defeat in WWI, Britain and France filled the political void in the Middle East and drew the modern political borders based on the Sykes-Picot Agreement and the Balfour Declaration. Sharif Hussein’s Arab nationalist followers, as well as others felt a deep sense of betrayal after Britain refused to grant the Arabs a large nation state that they felt they were promised. Following the creation of the state of Israel, along with the onslaught of the Cold War, the United States of America represented, in the eyes of the Arabs, the imperialist Christian West. The United States’ unyielding support of the zionist state of Israel, its two faced foreign policy – spreading democracy from the barrel of a gun in one Arab state whilst at the same time supporting dictatorship and absolute monarchies in other Middle Eastern states has left most Arabs, according to Viorst’s analysis, in a position of hate against America. From the CIA overthrow of democracy in Iran in the 1950s, its support for terrorists in Afghanistan throughout the 1980s and its undying support for Arab despots has caused America to be viewed with great suspicion in the eyes of the Arabs and most Middle Easterners.

The Watchtower God

Posted by daw33d on February 17, 2013
Posted in: Philosophy, Uncategorized. Tagged: 1984, Absolutist, Atheism, Authoritarian, Divine Knowledge, Foreknowledge, George Orwell, God, God's Love, Omnipotence, Omniscience, Privacy, Problem of Evil, Theism, Theology, Watchtower. Leave a Comment
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An avid guard sits atop its tower with a view of all landscapes and movement down below. Its hawk eyes watch your every move; it watches you sleep, it hears your internal thoughts, it anticipates your every move, it feels every one of your anxieties. The guard however requires no relief, because it is eternal, all-powerful, and all-knowing; it stands at its post without end.

Watch tower

Unlike the state of 1984 though, many of us actually choose to worship, praise, and love this figure in the watchtower, namely, God. The resemblance between an absolute, authoritative state that is present at each moment of your existence and God is truly uncanny, given the qualities attributed to God on the theistic view.

There are three characteristics that are thought of by theologians as necessary of God, otherwise we’re not even talking about a genuine God: omnipotence (all-powerfulness), omniscience (all-knowingness), and benevolence (supreme goodness). To put it simply, take away any single one of these qualities, and this entity is not worthy of being deemed a God – I think theists and atheists will agree on this point.

It is exactly these required qualities that make God an eerie object of worship. I know of few theists that would not be on-edge after describing to them an authoritarian state that comprehends their every thought, emotion, and action. Yet when it comes to the blessed figure in the sky, perched atop its monolithic watchtower, we are to embrace its ‘lovingness’ and ‘plan’ for us, in exchange for being observed like a colony of ants.

Watching eye

When we have a lack of direct evidence for something, but are given a few facts, what can we do? We can derive something from those facts, so as to acquire an indirect fact. This is what I have done: given the required trio of God’s characteristics, I have just given you a glimpse of what is entailed by God’s character.

But what value is there in this eternal invasion of everything with God’s eye?

Let me put the issue in this way, if you haven’t already been creeped out. The best love a human can attain in their life is quite powerful. But never is it acceptable, nor desirable, to wish to know every movement, thought, and feeling of that lover; space is a necessary virtue of love. Indeed, if you love someone sufficiently, you will obey the individual’s demand. What’s more, the desire to be able to observe every portion of that lover’s life is something we think stalkers, sociopaths, and lunatics could only desire.

Interestingly enough, God is not only incapable of respecting you in this way; it is necessarily compelled to breach the boundaries of love and enters the territory of absolutist, authoritarian control. Remember, this follows because God is supposed to be present everywhere, all-knowing (of every detail, everywhere, at all times), and all-powerful. We wouldn’t say that the person that knows more than we know about ourselves, and watches us without end, is someone who genuinely loves us; love has its proper bounds.This reeks of a relationship lacking in trust, and sanity.

God_creating_the_birds_and_the_fishes_mg_0018

Why anyone would be compelled to accept an offer of eternal salvation from such a peculiar watchtower guardsman is bewildering. Why? Because assuming this being existed, you would continue to be drowning in God’s authoritarian, all-observing eye not only in this life, but forevermore.

“If you want to keep a secret, you must also hide it from yourself.”
― George Orwell, 1984

Review & Critique: Kaplan’s “The Revenge of Geography”

Posted by Мустафа on February 15, 2013
Posted in: Geography/Geopolitics, History, Politics. Tagged: Robert D. Kaplan, The Revenge of Geography. Leave a Comment
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Robert D. Kaplan’s The Revenge of Geography is a masterpiece introduction to geopolitics – not just for students but the broader public at large – providing readers with a decisive dose of geopolitical reality and history that often goes unfortunately unnoticed or is brushed aside by the liberal intelligentsia. A journalist, writer, scholar and traveller, Kaplan magnificently synthesizes his knowledge of history, geography, geopolitical thinkers and their time tested theories into a comprehensive text that is a reflection of his own escapades throughout the world. Whether he is analyzing the social, political and economic histories of Russia, India or China through the analytical lens of geography and geopolitical strategy – Kaplan writes with such a clear understanding of these diverse regions that one might mistake him for a native Russian, Chinese or Indian writer – due to his flawless comprehension of each area’s history and geopolitical reality.

Old world map without political boundaries

Old world map without political boundaries

The title of the book, The Revenge of Geography conveys to the reader that new paradigm  – or rather, the unnoticed ever present paradigm – which has developed since the end of the Cold War; the return of international relationships anchored in geography over ideology. Kaplan is careful to avoid being overly deterministic in his analysis of present power relations and predictions of the future. Whilst he contends that geography is practically a permanent feature of human civilization which does indeed strongly influence human action – ideas and individuals do sometimes overcome the limits nature has troubled them with. Yet underlying even this analysis is the ever present geographical reality. For example, the reader becomes aware of the fact that the Panama Canal is an artificial distortion of geography willed into existence by human ingenuity. However, the very nature of Panama’s geography provided humans with the ability to form such a crevice. Such a canal was not built through the continental United States or through the middle of Mexico. While theoretically possible, such a feat would undoubtedly be far too expensive and take decades to realize. Thus the reader is always subtly reminded by the text of the sometimes hidden sometimes ever present influence of geography upon human action.

Robert D. Kaplan

Robert D. Kaplan

Part I of the book terrifically provides an account of the leading geopolitical theories conceived by some of the greatest geopoliticians in the 19th and 20th centuries – presented within their respective historical contexts – in order to avoid anachronisms. Beginning with Sir Halford J. Mackinder’s Heartland thesis and comparing & contrasting it with Nicholas J. Spykman’s Rimland thesis, Kaplan includes the reasoning and proper context behind these theses as well as their ever lasting importance and influence in geopolitical policy and thought. He also devotes sufficient time to the Nazi distortion of geopolitics based on racial ideology and those German and Swedish geopoliticians responsible for discrediting the field.

At the heart of the book is Chapter X: Russia and the Independent Heartland. The chapter opens with a powerful quotation from Russian novelist Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s story on World War I, August 1914 in which Solzhenitsyn provides the world with a few lines that represent Russia’s perennial fascination, fear and weariness of the Caucasus Mountains towering high “above petty human creation, so elemental in a man-made world” that all of humanity laboring away could never hope to create such a feat.

The entire chapter condenses Russian history over a millennia into a few dense pages that leaves the reader with an understanding that a brutally cold climate, poor soil and a landlocked race surrounded on all sides by hostile powers led to the formation of a communal, autocratic and rigid Eurasian people who remained perennially insecure about their own identity as well as their collective security manifesting in a timeless Russian need to conquer or be conquered themselves. Kaplan cites the historian G. Patrick March who argued that history has “instilled in the Russians” an immense toleration and acceptance of heavy handed and at times tyrannical rule.

The reader becomes aware of the fact that Russian history, tradition and geopolitical reality throughout time required some form of autocracy. Czar Ivan IV is known as ‘Ivan the Terrible’, however it is this very czar who was instrumental in breaking Russia free from the Tatar yoke and became the first great Russian imperialist.

The Soviet Union

The Soviet Union

Following in Ivan’s tradition were the great czars of the Romanov Dynasty starting in 1613 under Michael Romanov and whose most famous czar – Peter the Great – expanded Russian imperial holdings to unprecedented proportions.

The eerie figure protruding in the back of one’s mind throughout the reading of these great expansionists is the titanic figure of Joseph Stalin. Although not an ethnic Russian, Stalin expanded Soviet Russia’s holdings to the greatest extent the continental power ever grew to.

As a result of Kaplan’s analysis of the expansionist tradition prevalent throughout Russian history, one is able to more clearly grasp the great developments taking place in the ‘near abroad’ and Russia’s resurgence into the former Soviet space. Hemmed between a growing North Atlantic Treaty Organization to its west and a rising economic powerhouse that is the People’s Republic of China, Russia especially under Vladimir Putin has forsaken Western style liberal democracy which failed it during the 1990’s to a more traditional, Asiatic facing autocratic Russian style political framework.

Kaplan unfairly criticizes Russia – especially during its Soviet period – by referring to the USSR as a “prison of nations” which “was as aggressive as ever” in its geopolitical dealings.

Moreover, he incorrectly asserts that the Soviets illogically carved up Central Asia so as to ensure that the predominantly Muslim Turkic peoples there remain forever at conflict with one another as a safeguard against Pan-Turkic or Pan-Islamic unity.

In this limited instance of his work, Kaplan is employing outdated Cold War rhetoric concerning Russian-Central Asian relations in an otherwise sound analysis of Russian geopolitics. New research from Harvard University professor Dr. Terry Martin and Dr. Francine Hirsch from the University of Wisconsin-Madison makes a compelling argument to the contrary. Dr. Martin’s book, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939 and Dr. Hirsch’s work, Empire of Nations: Ethnographic Knowledge & The Making of the Soviet Union thoroughly challenge Kaplan’s assertion and overwhelmingly prove that the Soviet Union was not a monolithic Russian controlled tyranny subjugating its backwards Central Asian citizens. Dr. Hirsch’s work provides detailed statistics as a result of meticulous research using primary sources proving that Central Asia was delineated largely along ethnic lines.

Kaplan is correct in highlighting the ethnic cauldron in the Ferghana Valley however one must keep in mind that this region was so diverse and densely populated by overlapping ethnic groups that it was practically impossible to divide the valley perfectly. That being said, it remains true however that despite minor flaws in delimiting the Ferghana Valley’s boundaries there is no equivalent to Kashmir in Central Asia or the botched up colonial borders inherent in Africa. Uzbekistan was the biggest winner in the Ferghana region and Dr. Hirsch’s work highlights the role of Uzbek elites in shaping public opinion about identity which subsequently led to skewed census results on ethnicity.

Another important part of history Kaplan did not highlight while putting the region in context is the fact that under Tsarist Russia, these peoples’ natural rights to language and citizenship did not exist. However under Soviet rule, great development took place in the region with the construction of schools, hospitals and services provided in both the native languages as well as in Russian. Russian was key to modernizing these people because it was the language with the most advanced education and knowledge (compared to Kyrgyz or Uzbek for example) and since Russians were the majority ethnic group in the USSR it seems only rational to have one unifying language whilst respecting regional ones. Kaplan also failed to mention that within the Soviet context, national identity was to be done away with following the triumph of socialism over bourgeois constructions such as religion and ethnicity – which in turn was to be replaced by a universalist Soviet identity – The Soviet Man.

Overall though Kaplan’s analysis of Central Asia and its relationship with Russia is accurate and compelling which corresponds to the current geopolitical alignments these states continue to have with the primary Soviet successor state.

Kaplan brilliantly communicates to the reader geography’s power in shaping entire nations and empires. He provides a calculated glimpse of what lies in the future for humanity as the world becomes ever more populated and the closing of space is accelerated. The rise of China and the geographical dilemma faced by India on the World-Island forces the reader to analyze these two behemoth Rimland states and ponder how they shall secure their economic interests. Moreover, Kaplan highlights throughout his book that while the Western world conceives itself as a cosmopolitan multicultural geography – the rest of the world is still very much in the process of being intoxicated by nationalism. Prior to reading this book I myself was unaware of the scope and magnitude of Asia’s arms race. Kaplan highlights various plausible geopolitical scenarios  and alignments that have the potential to unfold on the World-Island mainly in relation to the growing military and economic power of China and its encroachment into former imperial holdings of bygone ages.

Chinese demographic and economic encroachments within Mongolia and the Russian Far East in addition to Chinese economic supremacy over the ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) countries is another important factor Kaplan highlights while analyzing the PRC’s rise.

After reading Kaplan’s thoughts and predictions on Russia, China, Central Asia, India, Iran, the Near East and the United States, one feels a slight chill crawl down the spine. The world as presented through Kaplan’s geographical lens is not a merry, freedom loving, rights protecting arena – it is actually a cold and brutal manifestation of geography shaping man. Kaplan’s work is teeming with knowledge and an understanding of reality through the lens of geography which has been undermined of late by liberal internationalism.

In fact one may even compare Kaplan’s work to the works of E.H. Carr or Hans J. Morgenthau – realists who took into consideration not only a region’s history, demography and culture but also geography – and the immense role this natural phenomena played and continues to play in the story of man. The Revenge of Geography is the book for social science students. Moreover every idealist, utopian and liberal internationalist ought to read and then reread Kaplan’s book a few times over in order to be enlightened. Kaplan informs the liberal West that despite the advancement in technology and the shrinkage of distance in the world, geography is still a very powerful actor and factor policy makers and leaders cannot and must not avoid when playing the game of international politics.

 

Bibliography

Hirsch, Francine. Empire of Nations: Ethnographic Knowledge & The Making of the Soviet Union. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005.

Kaplan, Robert D. The Revenge of Geography. New York: Random House, 2012.

Martin, Terry. The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001.

Page, Melvin E. Colonialism: An International Social, Cultural, and Political Encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2003.

Zionism & The Jewish State: The Historic Solution to the Jewish Question

Posted by Мустафа on February 12, 2013
Posted in: History, Philosophy. Tagged: Arabs, Israel, Jewish Question, Jewish state, Palestine, The Holocaust, Zionism. 1 comment
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The Jewish nation has been amongst the most oppressed and persecuted in the history of mankind. Exile has been the distinguishing feature of the Jewish people. Jewish power in the ancient Roman province of Judea was severely weakened following the destruction of the Second Jewish Temple of Jerusalem in 70 AD and culminated in the full exile of the Jewish nation following their third revolt against the Roman Empire. The great “removal of the Jews from the land of Eretz-Israel – the Land of Israel – and the loss of all political rights over their country”, started a two thousand year long cycle of hate against the Jews – primarily in Europe – that culminated with the Nazi perpetrated Holocaust of the 20th century.

The Jewish Question has plagued the history of Europe for over a millennia. This paper views the question of the Jews as a social and national question that for ages, the Europeans, nor the Jews in exile could find a solution to. Let the student of history firstly question the idea of the Jewish Question itself. What is the Jewish Question? The term is extremely ambiguous and it is worth noting that a plethora of ‘Jewish Questions’ existed throughout the centuries. What constitutes a Jew? Who is a Jew? Are the Jews a nation? Is Jewishness entrenched in a person’s blood or in his religion? Are Jews capable of assimilation? Does the Jew belong in the ghetto or in modern society? The term Judenfrage (Jewish Question) came about in the modern era and arose in what was to become modern day Germany in the 1840’s. The neo-Hegelian writer Bruno Bauer used the term first in 1842 for the title of an essay, Die Judenfrage. Bauer wrote about the problems of integrating Jews in the states and societies of predominantly Christian Europe. The term was initially used by the foes of Jews to counter the progress being made by emancipated Jewish people throughout the German realm. However, Zionists and the Zionist writers adopted the term for their cause and used it to further their claim for the establishment of a national Jewish state.

“As long as deep in the heart the soul of a Jew yearns,

And towards the East an eye looks to Zion,

Our hope is not lost, the hope of a thousand years,

To be a free people in our land, the Land of Zion and Jerusalem,

To be a free people in our Land, the Land of Zion and Jerusalem.”

The Israeli Flag

The Israeli Flag – Photo Credit Shira Gelkopf

This paper argues that the historic solution to the Jewish Question is manifested in the Zionist philosophy. Firstly, Zionism is contended to be the most logical and historic solution to the troubles of the Jews in Europe and around the world. A return to Zion and the establishment of a Jewish state on territory that had traditionally belonged to the Jews constituted in 1948 and continues to constitute the best solution to the problems faced by the Jewish nation. Secondly, Jews underwent tremendous suffering living in Europe and even after their ‘emancipation’ they continued to face anti-Semitism that culminated in the Holocaust. Lastly, the everlasting effects of Zionism and the ideal establishment of the State of Israel shall be examined while criticisms of the Jewish state will also be addressed. The establishment of Israel and the return of the Jewish nation to their geographic roots gave Jews the freedom that they never had before.

Throughout the ages, the Jews were arguably the most oppressed group of people living in Europe. Traditional historic oppression of the Jews manifested itself in the confinement of Jews to ghettos and the placement of strict limitations to their social and economic opportunities throughout Europe. However, this part of the paper will focus on Jewish oppression during the modern era and how it led to the intellectual formation and dissemination of the Zionist philosophy.

Zionism constitutes the most reasonable, the most logical and the historic solution to the troubles of the Jews in diaspora. Despite the Jewish people’s great social and economic progress following the Enlightenment, anti-Semitism remained an extremely potent force throughout Europe. In 1863 a group of wealthy, privileged Jews undertook the task of disseminating Enlightenment values to their Jewish brethren spread throughout Eastern Europe, in what was then the Russian Empire. They travelled to St. Petersburg and founded the Society for the Dissemination of Enlightenment whose objective was “to spread the knowledge of the Russian language among the Jews…” and “… to aid in carrying out the purposes of the society, and, further, to assist the young in devoting themselves to the pursuit of science and knowledge.” In their hearts, these modernized and privileged Jews sought to enlighten the traditional ghetto dwelling religious Jews of Eastern Europe and to Europeanize them. However, despite their noble undertaking, European society never accepted them. In response to continued European anti-Semitism, Moshe Leib Lilienblum (1843-1910), initially a strong proponent of religious reforms to assimilate Jews into European society concluded that “Jew hatred was rife because the Jew remained an alien everywhere in his dispersion, and the only answer was to return to Eretz Israel (Land of Israel).”

According to Lilienblum, the Jews have a historic right to the Land of Israel that was not lost during their defeat centuries ago by the Romans. In his view, the Jewish people’s historic right was equivalent to the conquered peoples of Europe who became part of the various European empires at the time yet continued to dwell within their historic lands. Herein lies the fundamental seed of Zionism. Decades prior to Theodore Herzl (1860-1904) writing Der Judenstaat, some educated Jews in Europe had already begun to conclude that their emancipation truly lay in returning back to their native Zion, in returning back to their homeland, the homeland that remained alive in the Jewish collective memory.

Zionism is a philosophy that holds the Jews to be a single, distinctive entity, that possesses national and not just religious attributes. The Jewish nation in exile lived in physical distress and psychological malaise that was a result of their alien status throughout the world. Zionism “called for a contractual mobilization of members of the Jewish ethnic group in order to solve their common problem by negotiating with the outside world for the creation of a new sovereign civic entity for the Jews like that possessed by other nations.” The fact that the Jews were a people robbed of their state centuries ago gave legitimacy to their right of return and to the establishment of a sovereign Jewish state that would safeguard the Jewish nation, culture and religion. Zionism is arguably the most logical solution to the “problem of the Jews” and the Jewish Question. A distinct people without their own sovereign state, living as aliens amongst hostile foreign populations is a recipe for disaster. True the Jew was permitted to exist, but that is arguably where his rights effectively ended. Despite emancipation, Jews continued to face anti-Semitism throughout Europe and in fact, it is arguable that the more the Jews became free in Europe and the more they succeeded in the continent’s social and economic life, the more potent the ugly face of anti-Semitism became.

Zionism was also a solution to the rapid assimilation process of the Jews in Europe, predominantly in France and the Germanic lands. Zionism came about as a nationalist response to save and regenerate the Jewish national-cultural individuality. Jews during the 19th and early 20th centuries basically had two choices, the first was to assimilate into European society and discard their inherent Jewishness, whether that be name, religion or traditions. The second option for Jews was to remain Jewish at a theological and cultural level and continue to physically stand out amongst the European population. The latter group was regarded by the former as being backwards, uneducated and lacking modernity. The problem faced by all Jews however, was that no matter how hard they tried to assimilate or retain their Jewish qualities, modern European societies with their age old anti-Semitic traditions combined with the growth of modern nationalism were never accepting of the Jews. Jewishness was arguably seen by many on the far European political right as something inherent in a Jew’s blood. The gentile population of Europe nursed “by the cultural heritage of Jew hatred… perceived the prodigiously successful upward economic mobility of the Jews as a presumptuous provocation.” Whether the Jew resided in the ghetto, in the slum or in a city mansion, he was always hated and despised by a hostile native population.  The man to fully stir the Jewish people towards a national revival was non other than Theodore Herzl.

Theodore Herzl, the writer of Der Judenstaat (The Jewish State) is arguably the most pivotal figure in the history of Zionism and is considered to be the founding father of the modern day State of Israel. Herzl argued that the only real emancipation for the Jews manifested itself in the creation of a national, independent Jewish state. The Zionist philosophy, called for a Jewish state that would be the ultimate guarantor of Jewish national, cultural, social, political, religious and economic rights. To Herzl, the Jewish state also provided a resolution to the conflict of ‘leaving the ghetto’, leaving one’s Jewish roots and entering European society as opposed to remaining fully isolated and ghettoized from the host nations. Moreover, the establishment of a sovereign Jewish state would fully join the Jewish nation as equals with all other nations on the world stage. Finally the Jews would no longer have to live as aliens and a persecuted people in foreign lands.

Zionism essentially called upon the Jews of the world, particularly the Jews of Europe, to return back to their ancient homeland. The sands of Judea, the stories of King David and the shared collective memory of Jewish history dictated to the Jews that the ultimate resolution to the problems they faced in exile was a return to their geographic roots. The formation of the Jewish state would have not only broken down external oppression, but also internal obstacles and the phantom “walls of the ‘new ghetto’ that had prevented Jews from being morally proper, self-respecting human beings. The state of the Jews not only makes Jews free, it also makes them better.” The Jewish state would thus break down all forms of anti-Semitism faced by Jews throughout Europe. The Jewish individual would be free to pursue whatever sort of occupation or lifestyle he or she desired and would not be hindered by a large native population in pursuing his or her dreams and aspirations. The Jewish people indeed are the native population of the region which was then known as the British Mandate of Palestine. The strip of land on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean Sea that the Jews had traditionally inhabited provided true Jewish emancipation and a chance to better the Jewish individual based on individual freedoms that were not fully prevalent in Europe for Jews at the time. Indeed a return to Zion and the establishment of a Jewish state on territory that had traditionally belonged to Jews constituted the great historic solution to the troubles of Jewry.

As Theodore Herzl stated: “The Jewish question exists wherever Jews live in appreciable numbers.” Herzl highlighted the situation and conditions under which the Jews lived. Wherever there was a sizable Jewish population, there existed anti-Semitism and hatred towards the Jewish people. The underlying assumption within the Zionist camp was that persecution of Jews by non-Jews was endemic in nation-states throughout history wherein Jews constituted a minority.” History proved this fact to be correct. An endemic cycle of Jewish persecution and anti-Semitism remained rampant in Europe culminating in the Holocaust. Following the horrors of the Holocaust, it became ever more paramount for the establishment of the Jewish state. Modern industrialized mass slaughter proved that minorities, especially Jews, were in danger of being exterminated en masse. 

The Nazi perpetrated Holocaust during World War II is widely considered to be the greatest crime committed in the history of mankind. The most sinister answer and proposal to solve the question of the Jews in Europe was Adolf Hitler’s (1889-1945), “The Final Solution of the Jewish Question.” In addition to the industrial slaughter of European Jews, Hitler’s scientists conducted “scientific experiments” on helpless Jewish victims destined for the gas chambers. At the Auschwitz death camp, the Nazis went so far as to remove the gold teeth from the mouths of exterminated Jews in order to melt them down and convert them into gold bars, sometimes amounting to as much as twenty-two pounds of gold per day. In 1942 and 1943, when Nazism was at the apex of its power, the killing of the Jews intensified rapidly. Three quarters of the murdered Jews in the Holocaust were dead by mid February, 1943. Some of the greatest crimes within the Holocaust were perpetrated by the SS Einsatzgruppen, a paramilitary force that would advance directly behind Wehrmacht soldiers and shoot every Jew they could find. These units of murderers slaughtered “Jewish men, women, and children” within the Soviet territory captured by the Nazis on the Eastern Front. The largest number of Jews shot to death in  single instance occurred outside the Ukrainian capital Kiev, at the ravine known by the name, Babi Yar where “in just two days in September 1941, mobile killing units shot more than 30,000 Jews and an unknown number of other victims.” Over 30,000 human beings shot to death in two days is incomprehensible to the average individual. Yet acts such as these were routine for the Nazis and in addition to the slaughter of the Jewish, over 3.3 million Soviet Red Army prisoners of war also died under Nazi hands. What is most disturbing is the fact that the Nazis were not the only ones carrying out mass murder against the Jews.

The native Ukrainian, Polish, Latvian, Lithuanian and Estonian peoples all slaughtered the Jews that lived in their territories. The suffering endured by the Soviet occupied peoples of Eastern Europe under the iron-fisted rule of Joseph Stalin (1879-1953) blamed the age old scapegoats for all their suffering – the Jews. Massive pogroms in Ukraine and Poland left thousands of Ukrainian and Polish Jews dead at the hands of their own countrymen. Of course some of the native population of Eastern Europe attacked Jews in order to please the Nazis, who viewed Slavic peoples as being a sub-human race, whilst others found the opportunity to unleash their anti-Semitic carnage upon the poor and helpless Jews of Eastern Europe. Another disturbing incidence that occurred on the Eastern Front was on the border of Romania and Ukraine. A massive explosion of anti-Semitism engulfed Romania in 1941 and Romanian authorities forced Romanian Jews across the border into Ukraine where they would be shot on site by the Germans and their accomplices. The crimes committed by the Nazis and their allies during World War II against the Jewish people are enormous and very well known throughout the educated realm of the world.

This paper’s thesis is not specifically written concerning the Holocaust. The main reason for discussing the Holocaust and and the crimes committed against the Jewish people is because the Holocaust was a pivotal beacon and key argument that justified the establishment of a Jewish state. An estimated 6 million Jews died in the Holocaust. The Holocaust was the zenith of European anti-Semitism and wiped out the majority of Jews living in Europe. Millions upon millions of Jewish men, women and children were shot, gassed, buried alive, and in a word, exterminated. It was at this stage of modern history that the Zionist ideal firmly took hold amongst many of the surviving Jews and the gentiles who opposed the Nazi industrial killing of the Jews. By the end of the war, the return to Zion and the establishment of the Jewish state was the final solution and answer to Jewish question and persecution.

During the first conference of Holocaust survivors in July 1945, “the people who had been just released from the concentration camps declared: We the remnant of the masses of European Jewry… raise our voices as a people and demand: the immediate establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine”. These Jews, the ones fortunate enough to survive the Nazi killing machine, had a clear vision and redefined world view. The establishment of the Jewish state was the only real and true safeguard of the Jewish people. Everywhere in the world the Jews were an alien minority population. It is only in the land of Palestine, the land where the ancient Jewish kingdoms once thrived, the land that is etched into the Jewish collective memory where Jews will truly be safe and emancipated. Europe had just slaughtered most of its Jewish population and the anti-Semitic Stalin had conquered all of Eastern Europe and established oppressive Communist regimes throughout the landscape. The Jews could not go to the East, they were arguably fearful of the West after what had been done to them and overall, it may be plausible to believe that after a nation undergoes the traumatic experience of genocide, the only safe place it views is where one’s own dwell. The foundations of the Jewish state had been laid. Tied to the Zionist philosophy were now the Holocaust survivors who could no longer trust any foreign nation to safeguard their natural rights after what was perpetrated upon them. In due course the Jewish state would be born out of the ashes of the Holocaust. The Promised Land, Israel, the only Jewish majority state in the world and the first Jewish state in two thousand years was now becoming an ever increasing reality.

The creation of a Jewish majority in Palestine “was at the heart of political Zionism.” Jewish immigration to the Promised Land, aliyah, “was the proposed Zionist solution for the Jewish problem.” It is well known that over the centuries, ethnic Arabs came to dominate the geographic landscape that traditionally belonged to the Jews. Instead of calling for a violent Jewish invasion of Eretz Israel, forceful expulsion of Arabs from traditional Jewish lands, or other violent forms of colonization, the Zionist leadership proposed the steady stream of Jewish immigration to re-solidify the Jewish people’s hold on their traditional homeland. The call for nonviolence and the peaceful purchases and settlement of oppressed European Jews into Palestine is barely lauded in the modern world. It must be taken into consideration prior to one’s criticisms of Zionism and the end goal of the Zionists that they were not the ones to commence hostilities towards the Arabs. Zionists were humble men armed with their intellect and a great vision. A vision for freedom, equality, democracy and the return of their nation to their geographic roots – the one place in the world where they were free to proudly proclaim their Jewishness and practice their ancient religion. Chaim Weizmann, the man who headed the World Zionist Organization after Herzl, assured the Arab peoples of Jaffa that, “It is not our aim to get hold of the supreme power and administration in Palestine, nor to deprive any native of his possession.” Moreover, Weizmann assured Lord Arthur Balfour that, “A community of four to five million Jews in Palestine could radiate out into the near East and so contribute mightily to the reconstruction of countries which were once flourishing.” Weizmann’s goal was to “make Palestine a Jewish country” through the peaceful immigration and settlement of Jews. Herzl himself addressed the First Zionist Congress in 1897 and called for “the creation of a home for the Jewish people in Palestine”. Unlike the corrupted popular view prevalent in modern society, the Zionists were not murderous imperialist colonials who sought to eradicate the native population from their lands. They were noble individuals fighting against bigotry, extremism and hatred that was so prevalent throughout the modern world in the early 20th century.

The Jews were in fact the true heirs to the land of Palestine, however, based on the statements of the Zionist leaders at the time of the Balfour Declaration, Zionists were fully willing to participate with their Arab Semitic brethren and revitalize the entire region that had not yet embraced modernity. Through Jewish emigration from Europe and around the world, the population of Jews in Palestine would undoubtedly have become a majority Jewish one, hence the formation of a Jewish state that gives all within its borders equal rights and freedoms, something that the modern day State of Israel continues to vigorously uphold. The Zionists believed that they must hold “Palestine as the Arabs are to possess Arabia or the Poles Poland.”

Nowhere did the Zionists claim or state they desired an ethnically cleansed pure Jewish state. The Jews who desired to migrate to Palestine and the Zionist leadership itself experienced discrimination and racism firsthand living in exile. Zionism itself was an answer European anti-Semitism and the Jewish Question. The establishment of Jews from around the world in a national homeland based in Palestine was all they simply desired. A return to the lands of their forefathers. Perhaps the Zionist leadership was too naive in their view of the Arabs as their fellow Semitic brethren. Surely they did not anticipate fierce anti-Jewish sentiment from the Arabs, a people with whom the Jews in Palestine had coexisted for centuries. What is equally paradoxical concerning Arab hatred towards the Jews is that the Jews are regarded in Islam and its holy scripture as a righteous people who have been given sacred instruction from God. Moreover the Jews were the first of the Abrahamic faiths to believe in the message of monotheism. It is difficult to understand why the Zionist leadership had such a benevolent attitude towards the Arab peoples of Palestine. Based on Jewish literature at the time and the platforms of various Zionists, both Arabs and Jews were to coexist as equal citizens within Palestine in which the political rights of the Arabs would be protected.

Unfortunately though, for the Jewish Zionists, there was “immediate opposition to the Zionist enterprise.” In 1929 the Arab instigated rivalry against the Jews erupted in August 1929 , culminating in the deaths of 240 Jews and Arabs after a series of riots in Jerusalem. Over the next two decades, the Arab-Jewish rivalry would crystalize in the atrocities committed by both sides in 1948 when the United Nations officially partitioned the Mandate of Palestine in 1947 and the Jewish State of Israel formally came to be on May 14th, 1948. Over the next few decades the Arabs and the Israelis were to fight three major wars with each other resulting in the deaths of tens of thousands. Austrian born Jewish-Israeli philosopher Martin Buber (1878-1965) wrote in an essay published by New Outlook shorty before his death on 13 June, 1965 that, “Undoubtedly, the fate of the Near East depends on the question whether Israel and the Arab peoples will reach a mutual understanding before it is too late. We do not know how much time is given us to try.”

This paper set about to prove that Zionism constitutes the historic solution to the Jewish Question. The Jews were a people who faced tremendous hardship throughout their history of exile in Europe. Being confined to ghettos and specific occupations for centuries takes its toll on a population and tends to determine their way of life. Having been largely divided from the European population, many Jews had failed to modernize in the 20th century, particularly the Eastern European or Ostjuden Jews. However, the greatest wave of anti-Semitism and murder came from Western and Central Europe. These societies were considered to be liberal, advanced and democratic as compared to the dictatorships of the East. Something extremely wrong went about during the first half of the twentieth century and unfortunately it culminated in the deliberate murder of over 6 million European Jews. Zionism as a national philosophy sought to bring about the end of Jewish persecution. No matter how hard Jews tried to adopt European ways and accept modernity, they were always considered to be aliens by most of the European populace. It was only after World War II and after the world learnt fully about the industrial killings of Jews that public sympathy swung in favor of establishing a Jewish state. The establishment of Israel was critical to preserving the Jewish people as a national entity. Had the Nazis won the war in Europe, it is very plausible that every single Jew in Europe, down to the last baby would have been murdered. The Jewish state is the one state in the entire Middle East that respects individual freedoms, democratic rights and the strive towards modernity. Yet it is greatly unfortunate for the Jews that they fled an anti-Semitic Europe to a region in which they obtained their own state, yet face the incredibly huge anti-Semitic threat from the populations of every single state that borders them. One can only support the right of the Jewish state to exist and fully understand the reason why this state must be a strong state protecting human liberty.

 Bibliography

Bergen, Doris L. “World Wars.” Peter Hayes and John K. Roth, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Holocaust Studies. Oxford University Press, New York, 2010, pp. 95-110 of 667.

Bein, Alex. Translated by Zohn, Harry. The Jewish Question: Biography of a World Problem. Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Press, 1990.

Beller, Steven. Herzl. London: Peter Halban Publishers Ltd., 1991.

Gover, Yerach. Zionism: The Limits of Moral Discourse in Israeli Hebrew Fiction. St. Paul, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1994.

Eaford & Ajaz, ed. Judaism or Zionism? What Difference for the Middle East? London: Zed Books Ltd., 1986.

Rossel, Seymour. The Holocaust: The World and The Jews, 1933-1945. Springfield, NJ: Behrman House, Inc., 1992.

Uzdavinys, Algis. Ascent to Heaven in Islamic and Jewish Mysticism. London, UK: The Matheson Trust, 2011.

Patterson, David. Emil L. Fackenheim: A Jewish Philosopher’s Response to the Holocaust. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2008.

Yahil, Leni. Translated from Hebrew by Friedman, Ina & Galai, Haya. The Holocaust: The Fate of European Jewry. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991.

Vital, David. The Origins of Zionism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975.

Shimoni, Gideon. The Zionist Ideology. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1995.

Prior, Michael. Zionism and the State of Israel: A Moral Inquiry. New York: Routledge, 1999.

Marx vs. Hegel: Conceptions of Historical Philosophy

Posted by Мустафа on February 10, 2013
Posted in: Philosophy, Politics. Tagged: Class Warfare, Hegel, Idea, Marx, Proletariat, working class. 3 comments
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All philosophers die, yet those who’s works and ideas are preserved in the material realm continue to haunt the world. George Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and Karl Marx are amongst the most famous philosophers of the nineteenth century. Both philosophers put forth a philosophy of history. In Hegel’s view, philosophy is not a source of advice or guide for what the future holds, rather philosophy should seek to “reconcile” citizens to the world in which they live. In Karl Marx’s Theses on Feuerbach (Thesis XI), Marx writes that “philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point [however] is to change it.” Indeed Marx set out in life to do just that – change the world forever. In his intellectual capacity Marx gave the world a tremendous amount of wealth. It needs to be noted as well that Marx was above all a materialist and as a result developed his theory of “dialectical materialism.” Hegel however, is considered to be an idealist, meaning that he believes in dialectical clashes within the metaphysical world and not the material realm.

This paper will evaluate Hegel’s theory of dialectics alongside Karl Marx’s dialectical materialism and highlight the reasons why Marx vehemently opposed taking no action against the (social, political & economic) system and why he promoted revolutionary action over inaction. Hegel, being the idealist that he was posited that clashes of ideas in theory had impact in the material realm whereas Marx was  a materialist who believed that clashes of opposing forces in the material realm led to changes in the theoretical realm – to paraphrase Marx, ‘men are but the products of their environments’.

Firstly, Hegel’s theory of dialectics shall be evaluated. Secondly, Marx’s view of dialectical materialism shall also be evaluated and contrasted to that of Hegel’s. The culmination of the paper seeks to present Marx’s reasons for being a materialist, opposing the capitalist system and why he favors proletarian revolution to better the working conditions of the many and subsequently create paradise on Earth.

Hegel

Hegel’s distinctive contribution to political thought lies largely in his philosophy of history – a philosophy that opposes the rationalist view of history and insists on man’s ability to control his destiny. Hegel posits that history has a pattern which he calls the Idea. The Idea is purposeful and intelligible. Furthermore, the world has a “destiny toward which it has always moved. This destiny has been predetermined by the author of the Idea, God.” For Hegel, it is “God’s will that the world shall progress toward the fulfillment of its destiny.” The Idea for Hegel is God’s reason, and it is higher than any reason rationalists or any other thinkers place their confidence in. God’s reason cannot be understood until the final stage of history has ben reached and His purpose and plan “are so inscrutable that not even the wisest scholar of history can predict the future on the basis of what has been learned of the past.”

Thesis vs. Antithesis

According to Hegel, the unfolding of reason – the Idea of the “World Spirit” – in history results from the operation of the dialectic. For Hegel, at any point in world history, the Idea is represented by a “thesis” which is the lesser and incomplete manifestation of the totality of the ultimate truth toward which the World Spirit is progressing to. In due course, the thesis gives rise to another and contradictory idea which Hegel labels as the “antithesis.” Hegel posits that the thesis and antithesis may “survive together for awhile”, but because they stand in a relation of contradiction to one another, tensions arise that lead to conflict between them. However, he asserts neither thesis “nor antithesis is wholly destroyed; nor does either one emerge unscathed. The result of the clash of contradictory ideas is a fusion of the higher, the valid elements of both and the destruction of the invalid parts.”

Synthesis

The merging elements of the thesis and antithesis form what is known as the synthesis, which is always an improvement over both ideas.

Hegel’s dialectic cycle does not end here however. The synthesis becomes a new thesis, for which develops a new antithesis. These two then clash with each other to produce a new synthesis, and the cycle continues to occurs perpetually until a final phase of history designated by God is reached. For Hegel, each “synthesis is a victory for the World Spirit, a movement of reason toward the ultimate historical goal.” Conflict is the key to progress for Hegel. The conflict itself does not need to be violent, however, whether it is violent or not, conflict shall lead to progress, it is inevitable. Once again, Hegel is an idealist, for whom ideas are “far more important than material things. Ideas he believes, move the material world. Ideas have an independent existence” from man’s thinking. Moreover, ideas are not merely “manufactured” by men “for their own purposes. Material things – forces, institutions, cultures – are merely reflections of ideas or, more properly, of the Idea at a given time. But the idea must have a vehicle on which to ride.”

For Hegel, states are the material manifestations of ideas and are the earthly evidence of the World Spirit’s progress throughout history. Hegel’s strong backing of the state is arguably a result of the time period in which he and other contemporary thinkers of his age such as Johanne Fichte lived in. The French Revolution of 1789 led to a tumultuous decade of war and persecution, followed by Napoleon Bonaparte’s rapid conquest of Europe, including what is now all of modern day Germany. Following the demise of Napoleon, the French retreat and chaos that followed caused many romantic thinkers, including Hegel to fully support the state as the highest form and source of authority, morality and law. In fact one may even argue that Hegel’s work – which is arguably the apex of the Romantic movement’s literature – sowed the seeds for twentieth century fascism. To paraphrase Benito Mussolini, ‘Nothing against the state and everything for the state’ sheds light on how Hegel’s writings were used in part to justify an all powerful state apparatus. In some ways, Hegel can be considered a conservative, since he did not advocate a violent overthrow of the existing order. He also favored adjusting oneself to the way things are instead of attempting to go about changing the world into what it ought to be. From the modern international relations perspective Hegel could possibly be considered a nineteenth century realist, however this essay’s purpose is not to dive deep into international relations theory – therefore – that discussion shall be left at that.

Hegel’s theory of dialectics has had an immense effect on many writers since Hegel’s time, especially Marx. Hegel’s theory of history however strongly relies on the assumption that there is a God who has complete control over the destiny of the world and has an end goal planned.  This is arguably a weak link in Hegel’s theory since there is no empirical proof of the existence of a God. Presupposing that an all powerful omniscient and omnipotent being exists who controls the destiny of the world does appear to be rather foolish. However, looking deeper into Hegel’s theoretical concepts, it seems almost as if he is justifying the way the world is, has been and will be based on his theory of dialectics and their relationship to God. In his theory, morals would arguably be relative, as would whatever constitutes right and wrong. Furthermore, his convictions that philosophers ought to not go about changing the world and aspiring towards a future about which they have no knowledge of is rather counterintuitive to progress.

Marx argues people, especially classes, will be the great catalysts for change, whereas Hegel posits that change will gradually come about in the metaphysical realm after history enters a new epoch towards furthering the cause of the World Spirit. Hegel exalts the leaders of the past such as Caesar for what he posits to be moral acts. For him, the deeds done by great leaders constitute morality based on the time period in which they lived in. Such a supposition has a tendency to  be rather dangerous because it justifies the brutality of the past and exalts all great leaders, whether they be tyrants, democrats or any other form of leadership. However, in order to avoid anachronistic conclusions it must be kept in mind that Hegel clearly intended to oppose the rationalists of his time who viewed history as largely being dominated by oppressors who were oppressing their fellow human beings. For Hegel it is clear that man himself cannot bring about change, change is only brought about when the natural forces of history create an antithesis which then synthesizes with the existing thesis – all under the watchful eye of God. In contrast to Hegel’s dialectic theory of history stands Marx’s dialectical materialism.

Karl Marx (1818-1883)

Karl Marx (1818-1883)

 

Marx

Marx took from Hegel the dialectical method which posits that progress results from the conflict of opposing forces. Marx however completely reverses Hegel’s view that “conflict is in the realm of ideas and that material forces are only reflections.” For Marx, the clash is one of material forces, while ideas are merely byproducts of the society in which humans live in. Marx posits that Hegel’s theory is “standing on its head.” Most importantly, Marx argues that a materialist interpretation makes “possible a scientific study of history and society because it deals with material things, things than can be seen and understood. Hegel’s idealism on the other hand, consists of metaphysical abstractions which mean many things to many people.” Marx states that in “the social production which men carry on they enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will; these relations of production correspond to a definite stage of development of their material powers and production.”

Marx goes on to state that the “sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society – the real foundation, on which rise legal and political superstructures and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness.” He also says that in every society “the fundamental determinant of all other developments is the forces of production” which “consist of raw materials or natural resources and the techniques (technology) by which those materials are converted into consumable goods.” Moreover, the forces of production pave the way for the rise of particular “relations of productions.” These relations are social relationships, “the most typical and significant form of which is class struggle.”

Class Struggle

Class struggle and class warfare is indeed close to the core of Marxist doctrine and is a fundamental catalyst for change if humanity is to enter a new epoch of socialism, and eventually Communist paradise. Marx goes on to say that this relationship is invariably one of command and obedience; those who exercise command own the means of production and those who are forced to be obedient operate the means of production. It is well known that Marx considered  this vicious relationship of command and obedience to be fundamentally unjust and inhuman, in which those who own the means of production expropriate the surplus value labour of the workers. Marx dubbed the class conscious exploited class who are by necessity forced to sell their labor for income, the proletariat.

The Proletariat

The proletariat is meagerly paid and fully exploited by their employers. The proletariat as Marx observes is forced by default to live a life of servitude and meager subsistence due to their lack of ownership over the means of production – despite being the operators of those very means and the producers of the great wealth expropriated by the capitalist class – the bourgeoisie. According to Marx the “forces of production and the relations of production combine to form the economic foundation of every society.” He further states that on this very economic foundation is erected a superstructure that includes laws, moral codes, religion, art, governmental forms and the theories and philosophies designed to support” the ruling class. The two essential purposes that the superstructure serves is to furnish “the commanding class of society with the justification and rationalization of its position” on the top of the economic ladder and secondly to “employ weapons of the commanding class to maintain its own superior status and the subordinate status of the obeying class.”

Marx vs. Hegel

Marx fundamentally shifted Hegel’s dialectic which he thought was standing on its head. For Marx, the clash of material forces such as a clash of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is a key part of his dialectical materialism. Marx stated in the very first line of the first section  of the Manifesto of the Communist Party that, “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.” For Marx, this fact fundamentally constitutes his dialectical materialism. Unlike Hegel who posits that gradual social change is made possible through conflict in the metaphysical realm, Marx strongly asserts that throughout the ages it is class struggle in the material realm between the oppressor and oppressed that acts as the great historical catalyst for change. Hegel cautioned against humanity forcibly making radical changes to the existing way of things and plunging ahead into an uncertain future. In his dialectic, Hegel believes that everything had a history behind it and that everything must fully run its course until it is met with its antithesis and synthesized into a new thesis over the course of time.

Marx fundamentally opposed Hegel’s dialectic because to him, it was a theory of history “standing on its head.” Furthermore, Marx strongly argued that throughout history clashes between opposing forces in the material and not the metaphysical realm shape reality. Thirdly, Marx was a man who deeply believed in not interpreting the world, but changing it, whereas Hegel believed in understanding and conforming to the way things are. Marx sought to fight for a world that ought to be, whereas Hegel strived to do the best he could to promote order and tolerance for the existing way of things. Marx was fundamentally opposed to capitalism – a system that designates and promotes the exploitation of man by man.

Alienation

Marx was appalled by the capitalist system, which degraded an individual from being an autonomous being, to a simple tool in the industrial workplace. For Marx, the capitalist “production transforms the relations of individuals into qualities of things themselves,  and this transformation constitutes the nature of the commodity in capitalist production.” He states that it “cannot be otherwise in a mode of production in which the laborer exists to satisfy the need of self-expansion of existing values, instead of on the contrary, material wealth existing to satisfy the needs of development on the part of the laborer.” According to Marx, every “self-alienation of man, from himself and from nature, appears in the relation which he postulates, between other men and himself and nature. Thus religious self-alienation is necessarily exemplified in the relation between laity and priest… or laity and a mediator.” In the real world however, the medium by which alienation occurs is very practical. Alienation of humans occurs through  “alienated labor, therefore, man not only produces his relation to the object and to the process of production as to alien and hostile men; he also produces the relation of other men to his production and his product, and the relation between himself and other men.” Moreover, if a worker’s product of labor does not belong to him, “but confronts him as an alien power, this can only be because it belongs to a man other than the worker. If his activity is a torment to him it must be a source of enjoyment and pleasure to another.”

Marx was also against the outcome of the capitalist system of labor since it “produces marvels for the rich… privations for the worker. It produces beauty, but deformity for the worker. It replaces labor by machinery, but it casts some… workers back into a barbarous kind of work and turns others into machines.” Marx fundamentally opposed the alienation of man by the product he helped to produce. For Marx, life for the individual human being ought to have greater meaning, rather than just being stranded in a monotonous workplace where all one commits to is tedious repetitive tasks that alienate him from the final product of his labor. Furthermore, the pleasure a man’s labor produces, does not explicitly go to the laborer. Rather, it goes to largely, the wealthy class who have the capital to afford what the laborer is producing at a degrading wage.

Conclusion

The proletarian is paid only enough to subsist, to eat enough and to survive, merely to come back the next day for another brutal workday in which the surplus value of his labour – as Marx posits – is expropriated by the capitalist. Not only is the proletariat a slave to the system, so is the capitalist as Marx points out in his writings. For if the capitalist decides to increase the wages of his laborers and provide them a life more than just that of subsistence, he takes the risk of being killed – in an economic sense – by other capitalist competition. As capitalists face off against their workers, they also viciously compete against each other, as the unjust system of capitalism dictates. Marx saw the capitalist system as being corrupt, inherently flawed and riddled with contradictions and would eventually bring about its own demise. For these very reasons, Marx vehemently opposed standing by, doing nothing and waiting for the forces of history to gradually make changes – changes which in his mind would never better the lives of the proletariat since the bourgeoisie and its allies virtually had a political monopoly in all states.

For the very reasons described above, Karl Marx favored radical revolutionary action and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In a sense the dictatorship would technically be democratic, since the majority of people, who during his time did fall into the proletarian class would hold political power. The oppressed creature would become the oppressor while the oppressor becomes the oppressed. Marx however did not favor perpetual oppression. His dream was for society to revolutionize itself and establish a system in which everyone would eventually constitute into one class – in effect no class at all – since everyone would be equal.

Marx’s dialectical materialism seeks to reverse Hegel’s theory of dialectics and for a radical transformation of society. Both theories hold weight, and both have their flaws. The fact of the matter is that both Hegel and Marx were writing in different time periods. Hegel wrote his great works following the turmoil of the French Revolution and Napoleonoic Wars and subsequently favored keeping the system as it is and wait for the antithesis to eventually change the system.

Marx wrote his great works when the industrial revolution was in rapid development and exploitation was at its peak. The working conditions that Marx saw were deplorable and the expropriation of wealth by the bourgeoisie seemed completely unjust to him. For Marx, revolutionary action seemed the only rational way to attain power for the proletarian since the ruling classes would not simply hand over the reigns of power and the means of production. As long as the unjust capitalist system continues to live – so will a Marxist opposition towards it.

Bibliography

Bottomore, Roy T.B. Marx’s Concept of Man. New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co. 1961.

Cahn, Stephen ed. Political Philosophy The Essential Texts. 2nd Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.

Fischer, Ernst & Marek, Franz. Marx in His Own Words. Translated by Anna Bostock. London: Penguin Press, 1970.

Harmon, M. Judd. POLITICAL THOUGHT: From Plato to the Present. Lahore: Al-Kitab Printers, 1984.

Marx, Karl & Engels, Friedrich. The Communist Manifesto. London: Penguin Books, 2002.

Marxists.org. “Marx/Engels Selected Works, Volume One, p. 13 – 15” Publisher: Progress Publishers, Moscow, USSR, 1969. Marxists.org http://www.marxists.org/archive/ marx/ works/1845/theses/theses.pdf

Beyond Human Evolution?

Posted by daw33d on February 8, 2013
Posted in: Uncategorized. Tagged: bio-ethics, Biology, Darwinism, Ethics, Evolution, Morality, philosophy, Philosophy of Science, technology. 1 comment
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The theory of evolution is consistently examined with an eye to the past. We have been interested in knowing our origins, because we figure that half of us were not created through the rib of Adam (sorry). As mature human beings with fully developed rational faculties, we seek refuge in one of the best supported theories around, according to scientists and philosophers alike. But if we, humans, have been constantly evolving in the past through competition and gene mutations in the midst of unruly nature, what is our status now with technology readily available to thwart nature’s plan for us?

Viva-La-Evolution_tn2

It appears that not only are we continually evolving, but we are doing so at speeds like never seen before. The results may just be incredible, but they may be reason to arouse moral or ethical concerns. Let me explain.

The last common ancestor between us and the apes was still alive 7 million years ago. Over 7 million years, through the sheer gnashing of teeth, survival of the fittest, and beneficial gene mutations, we eventually became the intelligent Homo Sapiens that we recognize today. A species is often created through the long grueling processes such as being the beneficiary of a useful set of genes that well-suits the species to adapt to its current environment, while the remnants of the species that do not adapt to environmental changes or competition frequently die out.

evolution-simple-chart
(The branching path of evolution: the ape’s and human’s common ancestor is the second circle moving up to the right)

Here’s where it gets interesting. Over the last few hundred years, we have gone from agricultural peasants and kings to space-exploring,  gene-splicing, and world-manipulating creatures. At last, nature’s own creations begin fiddling with her devices! In the usual case where you would have been extinguished by an environment that is inhospitable to those with various illnesses, deficiencies, etc., we now have health care and technology to defend against unfavorable gene mutations or traits for survival; we have our own artificial environment, as it were, to foster the growth of a new species.

We also are beginning to sequence the DNA of various things, and have developed the ability to modify the contents of a creature’s genetic coding, including perhaps our own at some point (at least desirably so).  In a way, we are speeding up the process of forming  a new species. We might not have to wait for the slow, random, and sometimes cruel processes of nature to work it out, we are taking the initiative to play ‘God’! Marvelous.

DNA
(You guessed it, that sexy double-helix!)

Having said all of this, our technological evolution is currently more important and dominant over our slow biological evolution. But does modifying our genetic structure and traits that make the human species more “fit” or “desirable” make you inherently uncomfortable?  Good. Let me explain why this is irrational.

If it is granted that we’ll attain the ability to alter our genetic code to produce what we deem beneficial outcomes (which I think is within the near future), I offer you three reasons why you should  get over your initial, intuitive feelings of discomfort in this territory of bio-ethics.

First, to some extent we already wish humans had the ‘more beneficial’ sequences of DNA in the first place. Sometimes nature misfires, and produces errors in your coding, which results in things like sickle cell anemia. I doubt I need to convince you that any genetic defects that cause endless human suffering should be remedied as soon as possible. Furthermore, there are certain traits we often desire in people that are a result of their stellar genes and biological make-up.

Second, your feelings of discomfort may arise from the age-old “it’s not natural” argument, which is the bane of my existence. Here’s the problem: you can use the “it’s natural” argument to support both the rejection and acceptance of some state of affairs. Scenario 1: you argue that homosexuality is wrong because it is not “natural”. However, it appears that homosexual behavior is in fact adequately documented in nature, like in monkeys for example. Scenario 2: You use the “it’s natural” argument to imply something should be done. However, many natural characteristics (e.g. the instincts of a monkey to club unfamiliar monkeys on the head and crack open their skulls) are simply not something we ‘ought’ to replicate – whatever you do, discard your notion of “naturalness”; it’s useless morally speaking.

monkeysApex_450x450

(Example of ‘natural’ behavior)

Finally, Imagine that we are simply using genetic modification of human DNA not just to rid of defects, but for “improvement”. This use is undoubtedly the most controversial, but the opposing intuition might be wrong. From a utilitarian standpoint (those who seek to maximize the greatest good), if there is anything useful in producing humans with DNA that predisposes them to be far healthier, stronger, and more intelligent, we would be morally obligated to perform this modification.

Even utilitarianism aside, what’s inherently wrong with producing a gene-pool  that has as perfect a biological foundation as we can get? After all, this does not mean that we suddenly become Nazi’s or members of the Aryan race. It is still up to us how  we educate and bring-up little humans, which would be hopefully with a proper moral foundation. To have a body not only free from defects, but one that excels in its environment through useful genetic traits is something hard to turn down. Of course, I will draw the line at aesthetics, because I find it harder to support the idea that you should wish your child to be of such-and-such particular appearance, but I find the previous ideas very defensible indeed. I leave all of this open for debate though, and I encourage you to brain-storm with me down below!

In any case, not only are humans expediting the rate of their evolution through technology, effectively giving themselves the capability of playing with a new species, we have a potential ethical dilemma on our hands. However, I believe the opposition to genetic improvement of human DNA to be based on fundamentally irrational intuitions, which I challenge you to challenge me with, if you are so inclined!

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Collective Memory in the Arab World

Posted by Мустафа on February 7, 2013
Posted in: History, Politics. Tagged: Arab Collective Memory, Arab Empire, Islam, Israel, Milton Viorst, Palestine, Prophet Muhammad. Leave a Comment
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Question: In his book on the Middle East, Milton Viorst begins by describing how “memory” is an important factor in the history of the region and, in particular, of the Arabs. Could it then be said that this “memory” ironically stands as an obstacle distorting the contemporary reality of the world for the Arabs and their progress in terms of economic and political development?

To answer the question in simple terms, yes, memory stands as a powerful obstacle in the way for the modernization of the Arab world. Moreover, the Arabs’ historic memory blurs reality and distorts the important contemporary issues faced by the Arab peoples in terms of economic and political development. The Arabs need to realize that they are living in the twenty-first century, and that the systems of governance that may have served them well a thousand years ago are no longer suitable within the modern globalized world. Milton Viorst’s historical analysis  of Arab memory concludes that it is full of triumph and failure – with failure being the historically recent and longest lasting phenomena. Following the death of Prophet Muhammad, the Arabs stormed out of Arabia with great fervor and within a century of Islam’s foundation, the Arabs lay claim to much of the known world. Arab rule extended from Spain to India and deep into Central Asia.

Arab Empire at its zenith circa 100-150 years or so after Prophet Muhammad's death

Arab Empire at its zenith circa 100-150 years or so after Prophet Muhammad’s death

 

The contemporary Arabs view this era as their greatest political and economic achievement and long for the days of a strong Arab presence on the world stage. However, the Arabs of today must realize that what paved the way for medieval Arab conquest was not the adherence to ancient customs of tribalism, it was the fundamental reform of the Arab way of life. From time immemorial, the Arabs were divided primarily based on tribe and clan. Loyalty was first and foremost to the clan and supreme local tribe. This ancient form of life never permitted the Arabs to act as a collective force and subsequently they were used by the mighty Byzantine and Sassanid Empires as proxies defending imperial interests and fighting other tribes. With the rise of Prophet Muhammad, the Arab world at that time saw a great change in the ways of their lives.

Arabian horsemen

Arabian horsemen

Before being considered a prophet and holy man, it must be recognized that Prophet Muhammad was above all a reformer. Prophet Muhammad recognized the divisive internal structure of Arab society and he used the power of one universal monotheistic faith – Islam – and the power of his tribe’s sword to unite the Arab peoples. For the first time in history, the Arabs as a whole, tentatively fell under the command of one leadership – the Caliphate. It was only through theological, political and economic reform that the Arabs became a mighty force on the world stage. However, the longing for the days of Arab world dominance is fundamentally at odds with the Prophet’s own position on the matter. The Prophet recognized the contemporary issues faced by the Arabs which had caused their ruin and subsequently, he reformed the Arab peoples as a whole and put them on the path to greatness. However, like all empires in history, the Arab empire grew stagnant and was eventually superseded by stronger and more modern imperial forces. Similarly, in the contemporary world, the Arabs need to look back at the example of Prophet Muhammad and strive to reform Arab culture, society and way of life in order to be on par with the modern world. Prophet Muhammad brought the Arabs out of archaic traditions and into the modern world during his respective era. However, the Prophet’s era is history and a new modern era beckons the Arabs to reform. The much romanticized and idealized vision of Arab greatness through Islamic puritanism is corrupting the true legacy of the Prophet and has hampered the Arabs from rising in the modern world and standing within the ranks of advanced nation-states.

Green highlighting countries that have Arabic as an official language

Green highlighting countries that have Arabic as an official language

The collective Arab memory longs for a return to the days of Arab political dominance. However, in order to put themselves on a path to greatness, the Arabs need to undertake reforms that will bring them into the modern world – something that the Prophet did during his historic era. Moreover, the dynamics of modern day free-market economics dictates the necessity of individual freedom and the individual’s right to engage in economic practice unhampered by archaic traditions. Viorst writes in his book about the Arab memories of shame and how colonialism is to largely be blamed for Arab backwardness. The Arabs need to break free from their psychologically constructed shell that blames the West, colonialism and Israel for all their problems. Moreover, they ought to truly examine their collective memory of greatness and recognize the fact that they only became great because they modernized their social, political and economic ways of life.

During the sixth century c.e. the archaic tribal way of life was replaced by the more modern system of centralized authority. Similarly, in the present, the Arabs must recognize the great modern system of governance that is secular democracy. Only through the reinterpretation of Arab collective memory and the strive towards modern secular democracy, will the Arabs become a great people once again. A secular democratic Arab world that espouses and vigorously defends individual rights will naturally pave the way for great and innovative economic dynamism. Moreover, through such a democracy, Arab society will slowly shift from a collectivist one, to one based on individualism and the sovereignty of the self.

The Arabs need to search their collective memory and arrive at positive conclusions. It is  highly plausible that if Prophet Muhammad was alive today, he would lament at the backwardness of present day Arab society. Moreover, it is even more arguable that the Prophet would actively encourage the Arabs to modernize their social, political and economic spheres of life. The modern era calls for the implementation of democracy and the adherence to a secular political system. Through the fusion of democracy and secularism, the Arab peoples need to break out of their medieval way of life and espouse human dignity. Moreover, the secular democratic state automatically fosters the birth of dynamic economic growth instigated by the individual. Through economic growth there will come about a riddance of social ills via individual struggle within a state that favors merit, discipline and individual creativity – a system which is diametrically opposite to the current undemocratic political system and religious principles of life that plague the present day Arab world. In order for the Arabs to make an entrance into the modern age, they fundamentally need to revise their conclusions that stem from their collective memory.

At present the Arab collective memory is mired by shame and defeat which has lead to the scapegoating of others. Moreover, the current Arab collective memory has made the Arabs retreat from modernity’s enlightened forces. At present, the Arab world is entrenched in archaic beliefs and a fundamental lack of individual freedom. A deep look into the Arab memory of greatness clearly indicates that the path to success is constructed through the embrace of modernity and the espousing of freedom loving social, political and economic doctrines of the liberal-democratic states of the world. Arab collective memory and the negative conclusions drawn from it has put the Arabs on a stagnant path to backwards. However, the very same Arab collective memory, examined through a modern and analytic lens arrives at positive conclusions and guides the Arab peoples on a path towards success and greatness.

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